For months, Lincoln followed Douglas on his campaign trail, speaking after him in order to capitalize on the large crowds attracted by Douglas. After the democrats in Douglas' camp began to make fun of this habit, Lincoln issued the challenge of a series of debates between the two candidates. Douglas saw no gain to himself, for as a well known incumbent, Douglas already had the advantage in the election. The debates could only bring the then unknown Lincoln more recognition. Nonetheless, to refuse would seem cowardly, so the conditions were set. There were to be seven debates, one in each of the districts that had not already been addressed by both candidates. There would be a one hour speech by one candidate, followed by a one and a half hour rebuttal by the other, finishing with a half hour reply by the first. The first speaker would be rotated with each session. Lincoln grudgingly agreed to allow Douglas to go first, giving him the benefit of having both the first word at the first debate, and the last word at the last debate.
The debates took place at fairgrounds, village streets, and once in a vacant lot. They were outdoors, unsheltered, and often there was no seating. Nonetheless, they were witnessed by thousands of people in a carnival-like atmosphere. In the sparsely populated communities of Illinois at that time, entertainment was few and far between. The debates offered the chance for people to take sides in crucial issues and be entertained at the same time. They offered high drama and fun. Lincoln arrived at the sites of the debates in a special train bulging with supporters. Douglas led a mile long procession in an elaborate carriage. The audiences brought along picnics and alcohol. The speeches were peppered with applause, cheering and some heckling. After the speeches, there were celebrations with more speeches. Often there were noisy, torchlit parades through the streets until all hours of the night.
Two more opposite characters could not be found than Lincoln and Douglas. Lincoln was at a disadvantage in style. Tall and gawky, Lincoln was prone to ungraceful gestures. His delivery style was mild with self-depreciating humor. His voice was colored by his Kentucky accent. For example, chairman was pronounced "cheermun" and there, pronounced "thar". His speaking success lied in the strength of his logic.
In contrast, Douglas was a short, thickset man. His voice was strong and clear. Unlike Lincoln, his expressions were theatrical. He often clenched his fists or stamped his feet to demonstrate his fiery beliefs.
The two argued on such points as Lincoln's earlier opposition to the Mexican War, supposed conspiracies each was involved in, and the Dred Scott decision. The focus, however, remained the issue of slavery, especially the Kansas-Nebraska Act, championed by Douglas. This Act overturned the 1820 Missouri Compromise, opening up the land acquired in the Louisiana Purchase to slavery. Douglas supported the credo of popular sovereignty, allowing each state/territory to decide the issue of slavery itself. Lincoln called this "squatter sovereignty" because a small number of slave owners could flood the territory and pass a slavery law before those opposed to slavery had a chance to arrive and settle.
Douglas and Lincoln had differing interpretation of the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln believed that "all men are created equal" meant literally all men. Each man should be able to eat the bread earned with his own hands. Although he claimed not to be an abolitionist, he did want the spread of slavery stopped and slavery itself headed on a course toward "ultimate extinction". Douglas believed that the government was by and for white men and their posterity. The idea of popular sovereignty embodied the very principle that founded the nation, that of self-government.
From the first debate in Ottawa, Douglas states in his opening speech,
Now my friends, if we will only act rigidly and conscientiously upon the great principle of popular sovereignty which guarantees to each state and each territory the right to do as it pleases, instead of Congress interfering, we will be at peace one with another. Why should Illinois be at war with Missouri, or Kentucky with Ohio, or Virginia with New York, merely because their institutions differ? Our fathers intended that these institutions should differ. Our fathers knew that the South and the North, so far apart- differing in climate and production, had different interests requiring different institutions. This doctrine of uniformity of Mr. Lincoln's making all of them conform alike, is a new doctrine, never dreamed of by Washington or Madison, or the framers of the Constitution. Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party set themselves up as wiser than those who made the government. This government has flourished for seventy years upon the principle of popular sovereignty, recognizing the right of each State to do as it pleases. Under that principle, we have grown up from three or four millions to about thirty millions of people. Under that principle, we have crossed the Allegheny Mountains, and filled up the whole Northwest, turning the prairie into a garden, building up cities, and towns, and churches, and schools, and spreading civilization and Christianity where before there was nothing but savage barbarism. Under that principle, we have become from a feeble nation the most powerful nation on the face of the earth. If we still only obey that principle we can go forward increasing in territory, increasing in power, in strength and glory, until the Republic of America shall be the North star that shall guide the friends of freedom throughout the civilized world.
In reply to this during that same debate in Ottawa, Lincoln states,
. . . I ask you to consider whether so long as the structure of men's minds shall continue as God has seen fit to make them, this question of slavery will not continue to be an element of discord in the houses. If that institution is standing in that position, and it will continue to be an element of division, if so, then I have the right to say that in regard to this thing, this Union is a house divided against itself, and when the judge reminds me, as I have often said to him, that the institution of slavery has existed for some eighty years in some of the states, while it did not exist in some others, I agree to the fact, and I explain and account for the fact by the attitude in which our fathers originally placed it, legislating to put off its source, putting the seal of legislation against its spread, and leaving the public mind at rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction.
But I think lately that he and those who have acted with him have placed that institution on a new basis, one that looks to the perpetuation and extension of it. While it is placed upon this basis I have said that I believe we shall not have peace until "either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new, north as well as south".
Now, let me repeat. If we would arrest the spread of it - if we would place it where Washington, Jefferson and Madison placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction, and the public mind would be at rest in the belief of its ultimate extinction. The crisis would be passed; and though the institution may be alive long, and might linger for a hundred years, yet it would be going out in God's own time, in the way that would be best for both the white and the black races.
Though the vote was close, Stephen Douglas went on to win the senatorial election. Some of the views expressed by Douglas, however, made him unpopular in the south. This may have affected the presidential election two years later when Lincoln, now nationally know due to those debates, beat Douglas and two other candidates. Despite their differing convictions, there did not seem to be any lasting ill will between the two. Douglas, seated behind him, held Lincoln's hat while he gave his inaugural address. At the inaugural ball, he danced with Lincoln's wife Mary. Less than three months later, Douglas died suddenly in Chicago of complications from rheumatism. When he heard of the death, Lincoln ordered the White House draped in black, and all government offices shut down in respect.
Angle, Paul M. The Complete Lincoln Douglas Debates of 1858. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1958.
Holzer, Harold. The Lincoln - Douglas Debates: The First Complete, Unexpurgated Text., New York: HarperCollins, 1993.
Shannon Keeter, sbk1026@uncwil.edu